FR YUGOSLAVIA AND THE WORLD

- A PROPOSAL FOR A SUBSTANTIALLY DIFFERENT FOREIGN POLICY -

The absence of a comprehensive, politically rational and realistic foreign policy in Yugoslavia, a policy based on balanced and credible estimates of the true potential, interests and needs of the country and citizens in the light of the current grave domestic crisis and far-reaching changes in international relations, accounts to a great extent for the fact that Yugoslavia is drifting away from the international community and sinking into an ever deeper isolation, which has increasingly adverse effects on the country as a whole.

At the time when the FR of Yugoslavia (Serbia & Montenegro) has lost its international credibility and reputation, as well as the power to substantially shape its own future because of the policy which had brought it in conflict with almost the entire world, being practically removed from all major international organizations, the Center for Strategic Studies (CSS) feels both prompted and obliged to offer publicly its views on a basically different foreign policy - a policy encouraging integration into the world and manifesting ability for development and comprehensive international co-operation.

As a non-governmental think tank, the CSS gathers experts of the international relations willing to submit their considerations to the public and primarily to those who strive for essential and inclusive democratic changes in the country and its different conduct in the world.

I - International position

Yugoslavia’s extremely difficult international position results primarily from aspirations, policies and behaviors based on militant nationalism. In this context, a special role was played by: the use of force, infringement of international law and violation of the United Nations order; arrogant and antagonistic attitude towards the international community; tolerance and support of the policy of ethnic cleansing; serious violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms; belated and utterly insufficient measures to abandon an obsolete and undemocratic regime and start thorough reforms.

Such international position is characterized by the following:

· Yugoslavia is left as a small European country bereft of moral and political legacies of the Balkan and two World Wars; it has neither allies nor support of important international factors; it lacks credibility and sufficient degree of independence; it is the only European state to be subjected to the sanctions of the international community after World War II; it is a country whose foreign policy and conduct used to elicit strong aversion of the world public.

· Internationally, Yugoslavia was denied legal continuity with the former state following the later disintegration. Such development significantly affected its international position and cannot be disregarded in the terms of the country’s interests.

· For over six years, the FR Yugoslavia has been left outside international institutions and organizations, actually internationally isolated. No longer a true partner to anyone, it can neither actively promote its interests nor help the ongoing processes on the European continent.

· Once a central factor in the Balkans, respected by the neighboring countries and appreciated by the rest, Yugoslavia is in a severely deteriorated position now, surrounded by countries which, while undergoing profound changes themselves, display either their restraint or resent. At the same time, the lack of genuinely efficient steps to settle relations with its neighbors certainly does not create a confidence-building picture about Yugoslavia’s good will and soundly based policy.

· The accumulation of grave internal problems (the nature of the regime, position of minorities, democratic freedoms and human rights, non-recognition of electoral results, media freedom), and unwillingness of the regime to resolve them democratically and without further delay, as well as non-observance of the public demand for deep changes, additionally degrade the country’s international position.

· The dramatic economic situation, and substantial reduction in the country’s co-operative powers, deprive Yugoslavia of the opportunity to step as an equal partner in the international arena.

 The increasingly aggravated international position of the country cannot be improved, let alone normalized, by insisting on the thesis that the policy that has been pursued over the past years has been correct and consistent. The actual events and the country’s position have rendered this pretension entirely meaningless.

The international position of the country can only be improved by thorough internal changes, drawing on the stands and their promoters who are devoid of nationalistic anachronisms, hegemonic ambitions and obsolete undemocratic concepts about a party state and a state economy. Also, this is the way to harmonize the authentic interests of the country and all of its citizens with the democratic courses, achievements and the generally accepted norms on the European continent, and to enable Yugoslavia to positively influence the developments in its neighborhood and thereby also its own future.

At last but not least, the importance of genuine and thorough public information about the country’s true international position must be stressed in particular. Free media constitutes a key prerequisite for a constructive public influence towards a realistic and consistent foreign policy.

II – Strategic points

Identification of foreign policy strategic points should be based on new realities and developments in the neighboring region and in the whole of Europe.

· Gradual establishment of long term links and co-operation among the countries of the region (in the domains of infrastructure, economy, free flow of people, culture, science, politics, etc.) will build up mutual trust and prepare the region - as a specific subject - for more substantial integration processes and partnership with Europe. The stability of the Balkans and in the whole of South Eastern Europe, including each individual country, constitutes the main concern of the international community.

· The security of countries in Europe is, today, primarily based on international mechanisms of the United Nations system, international law, as well as relevant European institutions.

· International credibility of individual states and their reliability in the terms of international co-operation implies their regard for the international norms ensuring democracy, peace and security, respect of human and minority rights, and market economy.

· Therefore, the priorities of Yugoslavia’s foreign policy should be as follows:

1. Urgent and genuine efforts towards normalization of the relations with all the newly emerged states from the SFRY, and establishment of a comprehensive and long-term co-operative ties. Forceful initiatives and viable concepts should replace unwilling and delayed steps under the pressure of international community. This is also a precondition for a better understanding of Yugoslavia’s interests in the world, and for the positive strengthening of its role in the Balkans, especially in view of the still existent latent instabilities in some of its parts.

2. Strict implementation of the Dayton accords, particularly the safeguard of territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, return of refugees and full co-operation with the Hague Tribunal, including obligations in the fields of foreign and internal policies of the FR of Yugoslavia.

3. Renewal of co-operation with, and integration into international organizations and institutions - political, financial, economic and others - based on a realistic assessment of Yugoslavia’s international position. Unrealistic expectations related to the automatic recognition of the FRY’s legal continuity should be replaced by adjustments to internationally adopted standards.

4. Democratic changes in the country should imply confidence building, understanding and co-operation with the major factors of international relations.

III - Specific issues

Yugoslavia’s integration into the international community and its institutions requires utterly new foreign-policy approaches, but also addressing the specific internal issues in line with its international commitments.

a) Co-operation with former Yugoslav republics, other neighbors and countries in the region

 Substantial normalization of relations with the countries emerged from the former Yugoslavia cannot longer be delayed without far-reaching negative consequences for Yugoslavia’s international position. In this context, it is vitally important to solve the problems caused by the war and the disintegration of the former common state, such as the issue of succession (starting from the fact that all the states in the territory of the former Yugoslavia are its successors), to ensure conditions for a free and safe return of refugees and exiles, and the regulation of their property and status issues. Such approach would truly end the war and tensions in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, constituting an essential condition for lifting of the outer wall of the sanctions.

In view of the historical and other circumstances related to the Serbia-Croatian relationship and the complexity of disputable issues, normalization of the relations and co-operation between Yugoslavia and Croatia are of foremost bilateral importance and vital to peace and stability in the region, including the peace process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A mutual and long-term interest of Yugoslavia and Croatia is to urgently open up the prospects for a comprehensive co-operation, free flow of people and assets, issue of refugees, complete renewal of communications, and economic and traffic links.

Full implementation of the Dayton accords, with a particular stress on the respect of the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina should predominantly mark the Yugoslav policy. The right to special relationship with Republic of Srpska should in no case jeopardize Bosnia and Herzegovina’s integrity. All pending issues between Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (including Croatia) should be resolved by peaceful means and in the spirit of comprehensive and beneficial co-operation.

As for Yugoslavia’s relations with Macedonia, considerable potentials for mutually beneficial economic co-operation, promotion of communications, cultural and other links on equal footing have not been sufficiently exploited. Both countries have great interest for a wide regional co-operation contributing to the stability and security in the common geopolitical area.

Delay in establishing diplomatic relations with Slovenia cannot be justified any longer, since the issue of succession has not prevented the normalization of relations with other successor states. Additionally, there are no other disputable issues between the two countries.

There is a long history of relations with most of the “old” neighbors. However, these relations should be adjusted to the new realities. Since some grievances and limitations from the past have mostly overcome now, a new era in relations can be entered without the old prejudices. This fully applies to co-operation with Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Albania and “more distant” neighbors - Greece, Turkey, Italy and Austria.

The disappearance of blocs and their confrontation favors a new page in the history of Yugoslavia’s relationship with its neighbors in the Balkans and South Eastern Europe. Most of these countries have embarked the transitions and aspire to link their security and economic progress with integrative processes in the developed part of Europe.

Lifting of trade sanctions and normalization of relations with former Yugoslav republics, open up the vistas for the economic reintegration of the region, including the countries of southeastern Europe that have paid high price for the war in the neighborhood.

Economic interdependence of the former Yugoslavia, which in the terms of trade among the republics exceeded the foreign trade, might significantly shape the new and mutually favorable economic relations.

The Sofia Declaration on Good Neighborly Relations, Stability, Security and Co-operation in the Balkans, of 7 July 1996, indicates a renewed interest for regional co-operation. This is in line with the regional approach of the European Union, as a general policy towards the entire region, and the American Southeast European Cooperative Initiative (SECI).

The regional approach would be pursued through the contractual relations on bilateral and multilateral levels, including special trade, financial, investment and similar arrangements. Contractual relations would stimulate regional co-operation, as a precondition for rapprochement to the European Union. Creation of regional infrastructure and development of mutual projects linked to corresponding European ones would be encouraged. Particular importance will be attached to the political dialogue with the European Union that should in the long run result in a regional pact on stability, enabling the return of refugees and granting individual security.

By encouraging regional co-operation the European Union and other European and international factors engaged in the resolution of the Yugoslav crisis will, in the best possible way, assist the fulfillment of the true interests of the Balkan nations.

Therefore, it would be to Yugoslavia’s advantage to be actively engaged, from the very beginning, in the creation of new forms of regional co-operation and a new approach unbiased by past. Yugoslavia’s participation in co-operation with Danubian, Mediterranean, Black Sea and Central European countries is of great significance.

b) Implementation of the Dayton Accords

The Dayton Accords for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina mark a turning point in the Yugoslav crisis and the war in this region. They have essentially defined and set the course for normalizing the situation in the entire area of the former Yugoslavia, as well as for the development of international relations in this region, primarily among Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Yugoslavia. These three main contracting parties have undertaken obligations to end the war and establish peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including its legal institutions; to arrange their mutual relations, respect international law embedded in the United Nations as well as human rights, to eliminate grave consequences of war and, finally, to establish a military balance at a lower level both bilaterally and sub-regionally. The system of Dayton obligations, in effect, incorporates the crux of important conditions for international political rehabilitation of the FRY and its emancipation from the war policy. Therefore, Yugoslavia’s strategy to get incorporated into the world must derive from the obligations under the Dayton Accords and their full and consistent fulfillment.

In the first place, Yugoslavia should confirm and prove in practice its commitment to the full integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina and realization of this objective. It accounts for the true interests of Yugoslavia and of all nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The stability in this area is contingent on the establishment of indivisible and multiethnic Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Enabling and securing the return of refugees is an issue of substantial importance which requires full and tangible engagement of all contracting parties. In that context, Yugoslavia must provide its active contribution, refraining from resettling refugees as a way to consolidate ethnic territories.

Full co-operation with the Hague Tribunal is a precondition for Yugoslavia’s integration into the international community and its institutions.

The Dayton Accords obligations also cover human rights and fundamental freedoms (including minorities), normalization of relations and co-operation with all states created in the territory of the former Yugoslavia and their joint efforts for the stabilization of the entire south-eastern Europe region through confidence-building, security and arms control and for co-operation in the political, economic and all other domains.

Therefore, the Dayton Accords spell the essential preconditions for the foreign policy action aimed at Yugoslavia’s integration into the international community.

c) Prosecution and punishment of war criminals

All states, within the international community, should prosecute and punish all the persons who have committed serious violations of international law, and especially war crimes or crimes against humanity. This obligation is consecrated by the Geneva Conventions on the Protection of the Victims of War, as well as other international conventions, Yugoslavia had ratified and thereafter incorporated into its legal system (Chapter XVI of the Federal Criminal Code).

The Security Council, starting from the legal nature of the general international obligations and in line with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, has established the Hague Tribunal binding for all states. The Tribunal was founded as a measure to “ensure international peace and security”, and therefore imperatively compels all states to co-operation, or else states would be exposed to sanctions.

Therefore, Yugoslavia cannot possibly or under any pretext avoid its obligations stemming from the Tribunal.

Full co-operation with the Hague Tribunal, Yugoslavia pledged to provide, is the only way to individualize the responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity instead of charging them to the entire nation.

d) Human rights

Only through the adherence to the generally accepted standards of human rights as set forth in the United Nations Charter, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international covenants on human rights, the Final Act from Helsinki, the Paris Charter for a New Europe and the European Declaration on Human Rights, can the FRY be incorporated into international political, economic, financial and other institutions in due course.

Constitutions of the FRY and the Republic of Serbia reflect the international standards of human rights up to a certain degree. However, the lack of instruments for the protection of human rights and the situation in the area indicate that the establishment of the rule of law is a long way ahead.

Mass violations of human rights, especially the war crimes, committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, place Yugoslavia under the scrutiny of the international public, which additionally obliges the state to comply with internationally accepted standards both in its legislation and practice of human rights. Therefore, it is necessary to take legislative and other measures to cover the legal vacuum in this sphere. This primarily applies to systemic laws and introduction of instruments for straight constitutional protection of human rights.

The institution of the Ombudsman would, especially in that period, help overcome the absence of rule of law and the existing legal vacuum.

Establishment of a Commission for Human Rights in the Yugoslav Assembly and the Assembly of the Republic of Serbia could be a first step in that direction. A special rapporteur for human rights would ensure the high priority of this issue, thus far downgraded, but essential for Yugoslavia’s integration into the international community.

At this juncture, the refugee issue is the most important humanitarian, ethic and legal, but predominantly a political one. In the current situation of Serbia, this issue also ranks as a foreign-policy issue. A resolute effort to deal with the problem of refugees is an important criterion for the international community indicating the degree of Serbia’s readiness to accept the norms established by the Dayton Accords.

The relevant measures include:

· Full and consistent implementation of the Dayton Accords;

· Support, through international factors, for the creation of all conditions necessary for the return of refugees;

· Creation of conditions for the return of all Non-Serbs, as well as Serbs who left FRY over the past years, including the passing of relevant laws, such as the Amnesty Law;

· Creation of conditions for integration into the FRY of refugees who do not wish to return;

· As a rule, refugees should have equal rights as the FRY citizens;

· A special body for refugees creditable for the resolution of this difficult question.

e) Minorities Rights

Human rights and fundamental freedoms equally apply to all citizens, regardless of their ethnic background. United Nations, Council of Europe and the OSCE standards provide special protection for individual and collective rights of national and ethnic minorities. International standards firstly imply the right to use one’s mother tongue in public communication and education and other measures which serve the preservation of national and ethnic identity. They also refer to various forms and degrees of autonomy, especially in areas where minority members are the majority population.

Being a multiethnic society the FRY must provide legal conditions for the implementation of legitimate rights of national and ethnic minorities in order to affirm its democratic aspirations and commitments.

Yugoslavia should undertake efforts, bilaterally and multilaterally, to ensure full legal protection of its minorities in neighboring countries and preservation of their national identities. Furthermore, the FRY should devote full attention to the protection of rights and interests of its citizens and nationals living and working in other states.

f) The problem of Kosovo

Kosovo is among the top priority issues standing in the way of Yugoslavia’s integration into European and world institutions and processes, and thereby of lifting the “outer wall of sanctions”. There is a world-wide consent that the opening of a constructive dialogue between Serbian and Yugoslav authorities and the representatives of Kosovo Albanians constitutes the needed first step in the search for solutions which would take full account of the positions and interests of Albanians, Serbs, Montenegrins and members of other ethnic groups in Kosovo. At the same time, representatives of the most influential European and global institutions are ready, should the parties involved agree, to take an active and constructive part, and fully contribute to the process. The opportunities for a really constructive dialogue would greater should each side abandon its entrenched and preconceived stands.

However, negotiations cannot be viable unless the repression to which the Albanian community has been exposed for a decade is not immediately stopped.

The Kosovo drama has been attracting large and continuing attention of the world public. Therefore, the negotiations, once started, will be closely observed by international factors. This is yet another reason why the negotiations must be approached seriously, with tolerance, mutual respect and good will as to solutions that would be acceptable to both sides.

The return of the permanent OSCE mission, which was denied hospitality, constitutes an important step in creating a more favorable atmosphere, which is today marked by traumatic interethnic relations and lack of trust.

A realistic plan of action hinges on the consensus of all relevant international factors that the solution for Kosovo should be sought within the FR of Yugoslavia, and that it must include the highest internationally accepted standards of human rights in all spheres of life. Not one possible status for Kosovo should be excluded from the negotiating process, if the support and understanding of the international community, which itself will consider the course of the Serbian-Albanian dialogue an important criterion of actual democratization in Serbia and the FR of Yugoslavia, is to be expected.

In order to contribute to the stability of the entire region, this agreed solution should also comprise Yugoslavia’s readiness to promote neighborly relations and mutually beneficial co-operation with Albania. That would be a contribution, expected and supported by the international community, to the strengthening of regional stability, security and co-operation which is vital to the interests of all nations in this area.

IV - Yugoslavia and International Organizations

1.United Nations

Regardless of the seemingly declining prestige of the United Nations due to the impossibility to comprehensively implement the tasks established in its Charter, the role this Organization should play in the development of international relations should not be disregarded. Despite being submitted to the interests of powers which have the final say in the Security Council and the increasingly frequent actions outside its frameworks, the United Nations, in the post-cold war period, remains what it has always been - an indispensable instrument for the preservation of international peace and security and a platform for the widest co-operation of states.

In view of the now almost complete universality of the UNO and the broad competencies of its organs and bodies in the spheres of security, political, economic, financial, cultural and other co-operation, all countries seek to achieve the widest possible spectrum of their interests and aspirations within its frameworks. The FRY which is, due to the well-known circumstances, suspended from the United Nations, can be no exception in this respect. That is why integration into the United Nations represents one of priority international interests of the FRY.

Speaking of Yugoslavia’s integration into the United Nations, the most important thing is that, the legal procedure notwithstanding, every decision it makes will require the evaluation of its policy and behavior so as to establish whether it really implements its obligations and whether its declarative statements are confirmed in practice. This evaluation will start with the implementation of Security Council’s decisions and the General Assembly’s policy, obligations of the Dayton and Erdut agreements, current conventions for the protection of human and minority rights, and will include the events in Kosovo, the development of co-operation with the Hague Tribunal, the manner and speed of organizing relations with the new states, created after the disintegration of the SFRY, as well as the development of co-operation in the Balkans and the acceptance of standards related to the activity of institutions involved in European integration etc.

Fast integration into the work of the United Nations represents an essential precondition for the successful participation of the FRY in the international community, in line with its national interests. This is an imperative in the absence of which the FRY will not be able to participate, on equal footing with other countries and in line with the objectives and principles of the Charter (and in an organized manner), in co-operation within the United Nations and other international organizations, aimed at the preservation of international peace and security and achievement of social and economic progress.

2. Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)

Starting from 1990 the CSCE underwent substantial changes: it was institutionalized and operationalized, providing the basis for the creation of an all-European regional organization which, with its trans-Atlantic and Asian-Transcaucasus dimension (“from Vancouver to Vladivostok”), includes 55 member states. Summits in Paris 1990, Helsinki 1992, Budapest 1994 and Lisbon 1996 provided a wide range of operational competencies in the sphere of peace and security (crisis management, peaceful resolution of disputes, prevention and resolution of conflicts), military aspects (measures for confidence- and security-building and arms control), human rights and fundamental freedoms. The activity of Yugoslavia in this organization has been suspended as of the Helsinki summit in 1992. Thereof it did not participate in the process of the OSCE shaping, although it was the subject of a number of measures following the disintegration of the SFRY, and relevant decision concerning minority issue. Yugoslavia denied hospitality to the CSCE missions of long duration to Kosovo, Sandzak and Vojvodina the summer of 1993, thus breaking the only remaining tie with the CSCE. Contrary to that period, the CSCE/ OSCE were subsequently successfully engaged in the implementation of the provisions of the Dayton Accords (agreement on arms control), as well as by sending Gonsales’ mission to Yugoslavia in relation to the political crisis caused by stealing of local elections in Serbia.

With reliance on the European Union, NATO and the Contact Group (a new version of large powers’ concert of a kind) the OSCE plays an important role both in international relations in the European area and in the process of democratization and the protection of human rights in member states. Therefore, it is vital for Yugoslavia to actively participate in the work of the OSCE, being for some countries, including Yugoslavia, the only regional organization in the sphere of security.

It is highly important for the FRY to end its suspension and actively join the work of the OSCE. It will not be, however, easy to achieve this objective since the right of veto is vested in all 55 member states of the OSCE. For these reasons Yugoslavia should undertake measures to encourage lifting of the suspension. These might include:

· Acceptance of the request for the return of the OSCE missions to Sandzak and Vojvodina;

· Active co-operation with the OSCE mission in Kosovo;

· Positive response to the OSCE offer to provide appropriate assistance in the process of this country’s democratization (electoral laws, mass information media, etc.) as already done by a number of countries in transition;

· Consistent application of the agreement on arms control concluded between the FRY, Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina under the OSCE auspices in Florence in June 1996, within the implementation of the Dayton Accords;

· Strict fulfillment of obligations from the Dayton Accords, including those related to the normalization of relations with newly created states in the territory of the former Yugoslavia;

· Active and concrete engagement in the implementation of the American South-east European Co-operation Initiative, which will be implemented as a sub-regional undertaking sponsored by the OSCE as soon as we are enabled access.

Despite the impact of the OSCE on the international relations in Europe, especially in the sphere of security, we must realistically perceive and appreciate the role of NATO and the European Union, both of which already largely influence the overall development of the situation in Europe including the OSCE activity.

3. NATO

NATO was practically the first to react to the dramatic changes in the European East already at its summit in June 1990, by identifying the starting points for its new political strategy and institutional adjustment. The most striking points in this important development are the decisions of the Rome Summit of November 1991 (concerning the new concept of NATO) and the decisions of the Brussels Summit of January 1994 (concerning the Partnership for Peace and NATO’s expansion to the east of Europe).

Under such conditions Yugoslavia must fully perceive all the implications of NATO enlargement and its increasingly active role throughout Europe. It should, in the first place, form its attitude towards the Partnership for Peace, as well as towards the still more controversial tendency of NATO’s expansion eastward.

As for the Partnership for Peace, we must start from the fact that Yugoslavia cannot remain isolated in entire Europe, outside the de facto all-European system of military-security within this program, which represents a specific form of linking with NATO on bilateral basis.

Non-association would mean a form of self-isolation, which will place the country into an unequal, weaker position, especially in relation to its neighbors. However, a part of the NATO strategic objectives of Partnership for Peace is fulfilled through its presence in the resolution of the Yugoslav crisis. In addition, there are still serious reasons which make the leading NATO countries believe that the conditions to discuss Partnership for Peace with the FRY have not matured yet. This also provides a relative tactical advantage as these talks will ensue later, when the experience will enable us to perceive all aspects of this broad undertaking in greater depth.

In view of the absence of communication with NATO and bearing in mind its increasingly active role in European affairs, certain preliminary contacts should be initiated.

4. Council of Europe

The Council of Europe has become one of the fundamental institutions of the European order and today has a membership of 40 European countries. If Yugoslavia remained outside this organization that would not only negate its European option but would condemn it to isolation in the European and a more narrow Balkan space.

The Council of Europe membership, however, is open only to those states which unambiguously manifest and pursue their commitment for an order based on the rule of law, full respect and efficient protection of fundamental human rights and basic freedoms and an open market economy. In addition, the states which apply for full membership are expected to accede to certain important conventions adopted under the auspices of the Council of Europe (in the spheres of human rights, protection of national minorities, criminal law, education, culture, etc.) before they are admitted to its membership.

Bearing that in mind Yugoslavia would have to accelerate internal adjustments to the Council of Europe standards which would facilitate its membership to other European organizations. This specifically implies the harmonization of the legal system of Yugoslavia with the principles, norms and standards accepted within the Council of Europe and their effective implementation.

5. European Union

The absence of co-operation with the European Union has drastically affected the overall political and economic position of Yugoslavia. However, the co-operation with the EU remains a vital target and the only way to prevent further lagging behind and access to capital, technology, knowledge and a developed market.

The new role of the European Union in Europe and the world has determined its foreign policy strategy towards its neighbors and European states. These states are requested to manifest abilities for co-operation, i.e. partnership relations which the European Union offers as the stronger partner. The ability to be a partner is reflected in the compatibility of the system as a whole and proved capabilities for international economic integration, manifested in institutionalized co-operation with closest neighbors in the region.

The European Union has prescribed concrete conditions for co-operation: democratic parliamentary order, market economy and a legal state. Secondly, in order to gain access to the internal market of the European Union this country must observe the conditions stipulated in the so-called White Paper. Thirdly, its ability for integration must be proved. The first condition is checked by the Council of Europe, the remaining two by the European Union.

This practically means that Yugoslavia must: first, build all institutions of a democratic system, market economy and legal state; second, carry out all adjustments from the level of state to local self-government and enterprises in line with the White Paper and establish a long-term strategy of its society; third, work on the internal regional links and development; forth, achieve foreign-trade and foreign-policy opening; fifth, become integrated into regional forms of co-operation which are the future of the region.

Finally, relations and co-operation with the European Union can no longer be reduced to the economic sphere, despite its doubtless primary importance, but full account must be taken of the role of the EU as one of the key factors of the European policy and, in perspective, also its increasing role in the military-security sphere. Therefore, the approach to the normalization and promotion of relations and co-operation with the European Union must start from its role in all aspects of intra-European relations as a whole.

6. International economic and financial institutions and organizations

Radical reforms of the political and economic system based on the democratization and market economy will open the way to Yugoslavia’s integration into the world and the regulation of relations with international organizations. In this respect, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank (WB) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) are of vital importance for Yugoslavia, in view of their economic and financial impact for each and every country.

These organizations provide access to financial resources and equal participation in the world trade and help incorporate each country into the economic, financial, trade, technological and integration processes of a globalized world economy.

The current negotiations with international financial institutions did not reflect protection of Yugoslav “interests”, but the resistance to install a market economy and carry out privatization to release the economy from the tutelage of the state.

In order to enable Yugoslavia’s efficient participation in international financial and trade institutions it would be necessary to urgently embark on a program of economic reforms. Such a program, including the ensuing legal and other regulations, is bound to take time, and, therefore, it would be useful that the Yugoslav Federal Assembly adopts a Declaration, implemented by all relevant state organs and bodies. Such an initiative should strengthen the confidence of international institutions and help accelerate the inflow of foreign funds into our devastated economy.

IMF conditions of December 1992, concerning the modalities to regulate our membership, are not difficult to fulfill. The persistent refusal of these modalities has been inexcusable.

The Center for Strategic Studies (CSS) believes that the “Programme of Radical Economic Reforms” recently published by a group of economic experts “G-17”, contains a complete and realistic analysis of Yugoslavia’s relations with international economic and financial institutions as well as the ways to overcome this problem.

V - Relations with Big Powers and Other States

1) The United States and the leading West European countries

Relations with the USA as the only existing global super-power require the largest attention. In addition to the undoubtedly decisive influence it has on Yugoslavia’s access to international political and economic institutions, the USA is increasingly reinforcing its position in Europe where our country attains its existential interests. Over the past few years, the USA has exercised a special influence in the countries of the former Eastern Bloc and, more importantly for our country in the Balkans, by using both its diplomatic leverage and military presence independently or within NATO. The Dayton Accords and the American engagement in Eastern Slavonia ensure the USA a long-term role in the territories of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia and the most recent initiative for co-operation among countries of south-eastern Europe (SECI) makes this engagement still broader and more ambitious.

Therefore, our relations with the USA should be given priority in the foreign policy engagement of Yugoslavia, since the degree of trust and the nature of contacts and co-operation with the USA will determine numerous other interests of vital importance for our country.

In that context Yugoslavia as a small county will, in its relations with the USA and not only the USA, find itself in the position of asymmetric dependence, especially due to difficult political and economic situation. With this reality, Yugoslavia will have a limited degree of independence, as a result of the modern understanding of sovereignty in international relations, whereby increasing interdependence is implied, on the one hand, and voluntary acceptance of the standards of conduct on the internal and external levels, on the other.

Normalization of Yugoslavia’s relations with the USA is a difficult, delicate and an exceptionally important issue, but also indispensable for its future.

Yugoslavia’s real and long-term interests for co-operation with the leading and other countries of Western Europe derive not only from the proximity reasons, but also from their impact on international institutions and organizations, and the access to capital and new technology. Besides, a considerable number of Yugoslav citizens live and work in these countries requiring the full concern of their home state.

Interest for co-operation with countries of Western Europe will largely depend on the democratization processes and the resolution of pending issues. Nothing can be achieved by counting on alleged differences among West European countries.

a) The united Germany with the most powerful economy in Europe and one of the most influential states in the European Union and other European and Euro Atlantic organizations must be at the very center of Yugoslavia’s foreign-policy preoccupation’s.

 Historical and other links and interests of Great Britain and France, their extensive engagement in the resolution of the crisis in the territory of the former Yugoslavia as well as the evidence of their increased interest in this area, and the importance they have in political, economic and cultural developments in Europe, make these two countries unavoidable partners for Yugoslavia on the European continent.

 b) Notwithstanding the importance of Yugoslavia’s co-operation with other European states as partners in bilateral relations and multilateral processes it is necessary to emphasize the distinct significance of relations with countries which are traditionally present in the Balkans and which, after the latest changes in its political configuration, manifest renewed interest in the area such as Italy, Austria or Turkey.

2. Russia, states of the former USSR, and the Central and East European countries

 Russia has a largely changed global geo-strategic role, while the problems of its internal transformation have a decisive influence on the scope and possibilities for its international engagement. Therefore, the role of Russia in the Balkans is today substantially more dependent on its current possibilities than in the past.

Yugoslavia should develop its relations with Russia, in view of the numerous historical and cultural ties, on the basis of real interests and without the burdens characteristic of the previous period. Although Russia is no longer the superpower the USSR was, it is still one of the key factors of international politics, due to its military, economic and other potential.

In the sphere of economic relations Yugoslavia will no longer have the specific, favorable role as with the former USSR, since new partners have emerged while its potentials substantially reduced. Possibilities for mutually beneficial economic relations still exist in certain regions of Russia.

A new element in the Yugoslav foreign policy is relations with formerly Soviet republic. In the political sense there is a substantial degree of compatibility since these countries are going through transition processes. In this context, political and economic relations with Ukraine have a particular importance, in view of its growing international role and influence.

Relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe now in the process of transition are particularly important in view of historical ties, substantial compatibility of interests within Europe and potential for co-operation in the economic, cultural and other domains.

 VI - Creation and Implementation of Foreign Policy

There are three preconditions for a successful foreign policy of every democratic country: transparency, strictly defined decision-making procedures and a highly qualified diplomatic service.

A transparent foreign policy should enable a comprehensive critical and qualified consideration of the country’s interests, actions and intentions (by political parties, experts, mass media and other forms of public opinion, groups and individuals, etc.). This is the most efficient way to ensure a wide-based crystallization of the relationship between society and basic foreign policy issues and thus enable creative contributions to the building of foreign-policy priorities and approaches. A democratic society would never permit that such a transparency be substituted by decision-making in a narrow circle of privileged individuals, however qualified they might be.

Constitutional identification of the Parliament’s competencies related to foreign policy basics touching upon the key long-term interests of the country, as well as of the competencies and responsibilities of the Government for the implementation of foreign policy within the adopted guidelines, are of particular importance.

According to the Constitution, the federal government has the main authority in foreign policy matters; instead the decision-making center and essential leadership in this regard has now shifted, contrary to the Constitution, to the level of the President of Yugoslavia. This violation of the federal Constitution should be stopped. Ministry of Foreign Affairs must be the central government body for the implementation of foreign policy and co-ordination of international activities of other institutions. To operate successfully, the Foreign Ministry should be independent enough to professionally select the modes of foreign policy actions, and should be protected against any unlawful external influence. In parallel with that, the Foreign Ministry must promote an atmosphere beneficial to free expression of professional views. This is a major precondition for a creative foreign policy.

For foreign policy to be successful it is necessary to have qualified and professional diplomats. Diplomacy should be removed from direct party influences and engagements, and it must be protected from usurpation by centers of non-constitutional political power. Only in this way can diplomacy be an authentic interpreter and representative of the interests of the state, federal units and citizens in international relations.

…

Foreign policy can be democratic and successful only if the public is allowed to critically examine foreign-policy interests and activities and if different views and arguments can be confronted. Public opinion and the provision of objective information about foreign policy and developments in the world are very important for the democratic control of foreign policy. Public opinion can often have a crucial influence in forcing politicians to abide by the Constitution and other laws and to carry out realistic policies.

The Center for Strategic Studies (CSS) believes that the preconditions for a constructive and substantially different foreign policy in Yugoslavia are fundamental democratic changes and economic reforms. The strong links and interaction between domestic and foreign policies is particularly accentuated by the global processes and changes. Only democracy in Yugoslavia and Serbia can ensure internal stability and prosperity, secure the most favorable international conditions for the country's development and contribute to the general efforts of the international community to ensure peace, stability and development.

Center for Strategic Studies

Belgrade, December 1998